This should be simple. I needed a new mouse pad. My little mouse has been slippin’ and slidin’.

I found this one online and it was on sale and it was the last one! I bought it for $8.79.

And I bought it because I love Civil War history, and because this photo is in my Civil War book, Patriot Graves, which is about the nearly sixty Civil War veterans buried in my California home town, Arroyo Grande, about their combat experiences but also about their remarkable postwar lives.

I am, after all, named for a Confederate, James H. McBride, who may (or may not) have been a brigadier general. This is his photograph, taken before the war, when he was a county judge and a bank president. While I have limited formal medical training, Gen.-or-Not McBride died in 1862, and I suspect, from the photographic record, that it was from Terminal Constipation.

There’s even a chapter of the Sons of the Confederate Veterans named after my namesake. They’re in Springfield, Missouri, where the 1861 Battle of Wilson’s Creek was fought, one that included McBride and a regiment of Ozark Plateau secessionists armed with squirrel rifles. The SCV chapter even has a Facebook page.

It gets more complicated. My middle name, “Douglass,” is for Gen. McBride’s son, a young staff officer who had a disagreement with a Union artillery shell in Arkansas in 1862. So it goes. Family lore has it that they brought young McBride home draped over his horse, his boots reversed in their stirrups, JFK style.

Nope. It you’ve been sundered by a an explosive shell, this is how you come home:

And, not to put too fine a point on it, but when Elizabeth and I took our young boys to Gettysburg many years ago, I stood on top of Devil’s Den and realized that Lee had sent boys not that much older than my sons to take this Union strongpoint, atop boulders left behind by ancient glaciers, and all that happened in this eminently defensible position is that Lee got his boys butchered. The length and the polysyllabic nature of the profanity I heaped on Lee that day cannot be be adequately captured here. I love history. I love my sons far more.

What impressed those two boys were the hundreds of graves in the National Cemetery where the markers are brass numbers, not names. We found, on the battlefield, a proper marble headstone that read:

Forty Confederates buried here.

I am not the only one to consider Lee a butcher. It is pleasant for many to denounce those who protest Confederate statues today as politically correct crybabies. But when Lee’s statue was installed in the United States Capitol in 1909, the loudest and most passionate protest was from Union combat veterans. Bobby Lee had killed their closest friends. I don’t think the veterans, either living or dead, could be called “snowflakes.”

The protests didn’t end there. Fifty years after their war had ended, Union veterans condemned D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation, especially its glorification of the Ku Klu Klan. This is Lilian Gish—she was to 1915 what Meg Ryan was to 1995—being rescued by a Klan leader (and former Confederate colonel) portrayed by actor Henry B. Walthall. What Walthall has rescued is the purity of Gish’s white womanhood. That purity had been endangered, in the film, by black Reconstruction troops.

Most of them were portrayed by white actors in blackface.

Which brings me to the United Daughters of the Confederacy. They were big supporters of this lot, seen in a familiar-looking city in 1926:

Here’s a photo of the Daughters. They look as if they’re reciting the Pledge of Allegiance. They seem to be facing the wrong way.

They published a children’s book that glorified the Klan. They articulated and nourished the myth of the “Lost Cause.” Most of all, they funded thousands of statues that replicate, in stone, their heroes—the boys they’d never have the chance to meet at the cotillion so vivid in their minds, boys whose uniform collars glittered with gold braid.

In their minds, the UDC girls, in old age long, long after the boys of their imaginations, boys from another generation, had died, sundered by artillery shells, could still hear the crisp sounds of their own petticoats, freshly starched by the servants also alive in their imaginations, as they waltzed with handsome young soldiers on a warm night redolent with magnolia.

Since the UDC girls couldn’t have their cotillion, they created, in stone, a division of dance partners scattered across the South, most of them glaring fearlessly at the County Courthouse.

This one, in Rome, Georgia, is a tribute to Nathan Bedford Forrest, mentioned in passing in Forrest Gump, a Confederate cavalry commander who would be one of the Klan’s founders. He got a head start at the so-called Battle of Fort Pillow, Tennessee, in 1864, when his boys murdered 300 black Union soldiers who had already surrendered.

All of the United Daughters had to have swooned when Gone with the Wind was released. I am sure many of them, in the moments before death took them away, imagined themselves as Scarlett at Twelve Oaks, with all those handsome, chivalric young men paying court.

I’m still furtively proud of getting disinvited by the Santa Barbara chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. They wanted me to talk about my Civil War book, Patriot Graves, when it suddenly dawned on me that they hadn’t read it.

Excuse me, ma’ams. My ancestors were Confederates, too, Our Confederates were, as you might’ve noticed in my book, some of the finest combat soldiers in the history of the world, and not just America. They were incredible.

And they were deluded. Delusion is a theme that has gained currency in our nation lately.

These men, our ancestors, I wanted to tell the United Daughters, fought to defend a monstrous evil, led by the nose—and to their deaths—by cynical politicians (they called them “The Fire-Eaters”) who cared for nothing so much as their own wealth. This was wealth grounded in human chattel.

Every Confederate ordnance of secession cited the defense of slavery—and the “injustice” of antebellum measures to prevent its expansion into the West—as the root cause of the Civil War. I have to bring this up, I finally did tell them, if you want me to be your guest speaker.

In my heart, I wanted to tell them even more. I wanted them to remind them of this man, in a photograph I know that all of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, Santa Barbara Chapter, have seen. This man is Whipped Henry, a habitual runaway from a Louisiana plantation. (Robert E. Lee endorsed the beating of slaves as a regrettable but necessary means of enforcing the social order he defended.)

I might even been compelled to bring up, to the United Daughters of the Confederacy, the terror slaves faced at having their families broken up by sales. When one Virginia mother was “sold South,” to the factory-fields of Deep South Mississippi, she used a hatchet to chop off her own foot. That queered the deal. She mutilated herself because nothing was as important to her as her children.

This is how much and how passionately the people we call slaves—it was slaveowners who called them “servants”—loved each other. In the historic record, in the New Deal slave narratives, taken down by young historians on wire recorders, their love for each other is the only constant that transcends their hatred of slavery.

In the years after emancipation, the Klan hated far more. This is their legacy: The Emmett Till Memorial in Mississippi.

Fourteen-year-old Till, a Chicago 14-year-old, was beaten beyond recognition in 1955 and his body sunk in a bayou with a cotton gin fan used to weigh him down. When his corpse bubbled to the surface, the joke white folks told was this: “Ain’t it just like a nigger to go swimmin’ with a gin fan aroun’ his neck?”

This photo was taken ten months ago.

So I guess I will get a new mouse pad in the mail. You shouldn’t buy things on impulse. The impulse can release so many memories—even those that don’t belong to you. You’ve chosen, as a teacher, to adopt certain memories, so that you can pass them on to the students that you love so much, like the memory of Emmett Till, like the memory of the face of his heartbroken mother, Mamie, at Emmett’s funeral.

Robert E. Lee’s face is noble and grave and handsome—he was, in the years before the war, known as “the handsomest man in America.” He was a general. Mamie Till’s face is expressive and passionate and lovely. She was a schoolteacher.

She insisted that Emmett’s casket remain open for the funeral, so that Chicago folks could see what they had done to her boy. The photographs of Emmett’s face are horrific. His humanity has been erased.

You try to block out that face. Two more will appear in your imagination.

You’ll wonder, as you guide your mouse over Lee’s face, if somehow, in someplace that is not America, Gen. Lee and Mrs. Till might have the chance to sit down and regard each other in silence for a long, long time.

Sooner or later the great general, if he was any kind of man at all, would have to clear his throat and begin to speak in the gentle voice that his soldiers remembered. If he was any kind of man at all, he would surrender again and with the same grace he’d shown in Wilmer McLean’s parlor at Appomattox Courthouse.

This time he would surrender to Mamie Till.

There are some stories that are so true that cynics cannot abide them and will spend countless needless hours—when they could be doing better things, like planting squash or building model battleships—trying to debunk them. Henry Tandey’s story is one of those.

Even if it’s not quite true—it does have factual underpinnings, but not the kind of deeply sunk concrete foundation that its doubters require— it has become a kind of parable, which is a story that tells a higher truth without getting bogged down in footnotes. That may make it even more important.

It’s a simple story. Henry Tandey was an immensely courageous British soldier (The VC, or Victoria Cross, is equivalent to the American Medal of Honor) fighting in the last year of the Great War, in September 1918, near Cambrai, where, only days later, an American engineer battalion would join the Brits in carrying the fight to their German enemy.

It was a German who entered young Tandey’s life that day. Tandey saw him pretty clearly through the gunsight of his Lee-Enfield .303. The fellow was staggering and disoriented and it would have been easy for the young Briton put the young German out of his misery–it looked as if he’d been gassed, after all.

Tandey started to squeeze the trigger and then something interposed. Was it a hymn he’d learned as a little boy? Was it something his grandmother had taught him? It was certainly something he couldn’t articulate at the time. Battlefields don’t lend themselves to thinking in ordered companies of sentences arranged in battalions of persuasive paragraphs.

Tandey let his finger relax and so let the helpless man go.

The German soldier survived the war, as did Tandey, but their paths would cross again, twenty years later, oddly enough and quite indirectly, in Munich, a beautiful city. That’s where the German saw this painting and instantly recognized the soldier in the foreground, in what must have been a customary moment of compassion, carrying a wounded comrade.

“I know that man!” the German veteran exclaimed to his guest, a visitor from Britain. “That’s the man who spared my life!” The veteran asked his British guest, a man of some power, if there was any way he could discover the British soldier’s name.

There was. The guest was, after all, Neville Chamberlain, the Prime Minister. After finding the artist and interviewing him, a young man working for Chamberlain identified the soldier in the painting as Pvt. Henry Tandey.

He was no longer “Pvt. Henry Tandey,” of course. He was a factory policeman working in the Triumph plant in Coventry, a beautiful city noted for its beautiful cathedral.

The delighted German sent a message of thanks to Tandey in Coventry.

Two years later, he bombed Coventry.

Pvt. Henry Tandey, VC, had Adolph Hitler in his gunsights that day in 1918. “I couldn’t shoot a wounded man,” he said in the years after.

“I’m sorry to God I let him go.”

[Edit]

PBS is re-running Ken Burns’s The Roosevelts: An Intimate History and I watched last night the episode that recalls the slide into World War II.

I tend to agree with the historian-commentators who marveled at the dexterity— and the sometime duplicity —with which FDR led Americans in those years. His sights, of course, were set on England, especially when, by the spring of 1940, England was alone against Hitler.

When many advisors, chiefly among them Ambassador Joseph Kennedy, urged the president to stop throwing money and military equipment away on a lost cause—meaning England and meaning FDR’s friend, Churchill—the president bristled. England was our next-to-last line of defense. The last would be our own Atlantic seaboard.

Then, of course, the war came from the opposite direction.

Despite the appeal of wartime drama, I’m thinking less of FDR and more of the First Lady today.

Her life was marked by sadness of immense breadth and depth; denigrated as a child—her nickname was “Granny”— devoted to a father who adored her, but who died an alcoholic, as did her younger brother, Hall. Her marriage was a love match that would come under constant and determined assault by her tyrannical mother-in-law, Sara Delano Roosevelt, because of course Eleanor was not good enough for her darling boy. The darling boy betrayed Eleanor in his love affair with her social secretary, Lucy Mercer.

(The president continued to welcome visits by Lucy, then a married woman, years after their affair had ostensibly ended, which came when Eleanor found Franklin’s cache of love letters. Now, when Eleanor was out of Washington, FDR would invite Lucy Mercer Rutherfurd to quiet dinners at the White House.)

Eleanor was both intensely private—building her own residence at Hyde Park—and yet she was also the administration’s public face. The telecast reminded of this prescient New Yorker cartoon, from 1933.

“Prescient,” because this photo was taken two years later. She is, quite obviously, enjoying herself.

Despite an innate shyness, she worked tirelessly to support the New Deal and then the war effort. She had her own radio program. Americans heard her voice on the night of the Pearl Harbor attack; the president wouldn’t speak until he asked for a declaration of war the next day.

And hers was not a pleasant voice. Like her husband, she had patrician accents, but her delivery was sing-song and she hit unintentional and incongruous high notes that were almost painful to hear. But when the 1940 convention balked at nominating the liberal agriculture secretary Henry Wallace for vice president, the president asked Eleanor to speak—the first time a First Lady addressed a convention. Her speech was brief and as usual a little awkward, but the impact she had was so powerful that Wallace was nominated by acclamation.

The documentary, too, addressed her humanity, her determination, for example, that black defense workers be treated with dignity and some semblance of parity, as well as her hatred of segregation. The old films revealed something else: This patrician felt at home with black Americans.

There was a stubborn and courageous innocence about her, too. She could simply not understand the deliberate cruelty that motivated Jim Crow and she could not tolerate the pain it inflicted, in a representative democracy, on millions of her fellow citizens. Beyond that, segregation was an assault on humanity. Asserting our common humanity would be the underpinning for all the missions she undertook in her long life. It would be, as well, one of he fundamental values my parents instilled in me.

This belief in our common humanity is why she so passionately attacked Executive Order 9066. Franklin finally had to stop her: He was never to hear about Japanese-Americans from Eleanor again. Never. This didn’t stop her from another moment of symbolism: a semi-clandestine visit to the Gila River internment camp, where many of our Arroyo Grande neighbors were confined behind barbed wire, in the spring of 1943.

There is something in this photo of the visit, in the faces of the young women, that suggests her unspoken message. She was among Americans here, and happy, given the bleakness of the camp, to be among them—just as she had been in the CCC camps, in visiting WPA projects or riding in a coal car with Ohio miners.

And then, of course, she became a kind of surrogate mother. This is the Eleanor Roosevelt, with her surrogate sons, that endures the most to me.

Even as the war was winding down, in the wakening realization of what would soon be Franklin’s greatest victory, the president betrayed her. Lucy Rutherfurd was an arm-length away from the president when a cerebral hemorrhage killed him as he did paperwork at a card table, posing for a portrait, at Warm Springs, Georgia, in April 1945. The First Lady took the train down from Washington to begin the final arrangements. After she’d arrived, it was her daughter, Anna, broke the news about Lucy.

Franklin, the documentary pointed out, frequently and effusively praised Eleanor for her energy, her political acumen, and for the intelligence she brought him from her visits to New Deal projects or to military bases. She was, he told his friends and advisors, remarkable. He never said these things to Eleanor.

That secret was, to me, nearly as profound a betrayal as the president’s relationship with Lucy. Eleanor, like most of us, longed for affirmation, but she would not beg for it.

She deserved to know—most especially from the man so central to her life— how truly remarkable she was.

This was how Mr. Neergaard—his name misspelled— of Arroyo Grande learned of his son’s death in France. It’s hard to imagine getting news in so cruel a manner.

But this, of course, had been a cruel war on an epic scale. What ended it was crueler still.

One of the climactic battles of the First World War came at the end of September, 1918, two weeks before the flu took thirty-year-old Harold, on the St. Quentin Canal.

Part of the battle involved Americans, who came into the war so badly equipped (it was the mirror reversal of World War II, when we were the “Arsenal of Democracy”) that our fliers flew obsolete French Nieuports, the Marines at Belleau Wood were casually smoking cigarettes, bewildered German soldiers noted, as they advanced while firing French Chaucat light machine guns from the hip. The heavy machine gun we used was the British Maxim Gun and doughboys were driven into the Meuse-Argonne aboard Renault trucks driven by young men from what would someday be called Vietnam.

At the canal, the American 30th Division, shown in the photo with German POWs (the tanks are British), went into the Bellocourt Tunnel, shown below, and met the Germans in hand-to-hand combat.

The 30th Division prevailed in ways beyond the ferocity with which they fought. At least one historian has suggested that in the confines of the tunnel and in the closeness of the combat, the Americans brought the flu with them, too, and this was a new, far more virulent strain than the one that had struck the combatants earlier that year, in the spring.

The war ended six weeks later in part from sheer mutual exhaustion. The two sides were too sick to fight anymore.

The flu even played a role in the unsatisfactory peace that followed–the one that led to another, more terrible war–in part because the American delegate, Woodrow Wilson, became ill, with a temperature of 103 degrees, with what was quite possibly the flu

(This was 1919, but the flu came back to Arroyo Grande, too, in 1919 and again in February 1920.)

When Wilson recovered, some said, he wasn’t the same man he’d been. (His presidency would be shattered soon after by the stroke that incapacitated him.)

So it would be the vengeful French leader, Georges Clemenceau, who would dominate the peace settlement at Versailles. Which, of course, was not a peace at all. Even the attacks on 9/11 can be traced back to the terrible Versailles Treaty.

I imagine this pandemic might have powerful effects, many now unseen, that will play out decades away from us.