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Classmates, Shipmates

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Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, History, Uncategorized, World War II

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I was browsing an early 1980s version of Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, the South County Historical Society journal, and I found this photograph of the Arroyo Grande Grammar School second grade in 1926-27.

The two boys who are circled are Wayne Morgan (top) and, in the front row, Jack Scruggs. Wayne’s father, Elmer, was a partner-owner of the Ford agency, today’s Doc Burnstein’s Ice Cream Parlor. Jack’s father had lost his farm earlier in the 1920s; at the time the class photo was taken, he worked with an oil prospecting company exploring the Huasna Valley.

That’s Wayne in the front, in a photo taken during this Ford Model A’s nationwide tour in 1931 (the car, fully restored, is owned by a Michigan car collector).

Nine years later, Wayne would join the Navy.

By the time Wayne Morgan graduated from eighth grade, Jack Scruggs’s family had moved to Long Beach. Both boys were musicians–Wayne played violin in Mr. Chapek’s orchestra (he was also an avid Boy Scout), but Jack would make music his career.

In 1940, Jack joined the Navy.

 

Jack is circled in this photo taken on November 22, 1941, during a Battle of the Bands competition among the ships of the Pacific Fleet. Jack was a trombonist in Navy Band 22–the band of USS Arizona.

So there’s a very good chance that the one-time classmates had a reunion on the great ship.

The tragic part of the story, of course, is that both were killed on Arizona. The concussion from a near-miss killed Jack just before 8 a.m. as the band was preparing to play the National Anthem during the colors ceremony. Wayne died about ten minutes later, when the ship blew up. So were all of Jack’s bandmates, killed at their action stations in the Number Two gun turret, just inboard from where the fatal bomb struck.

A few weeks before the attack, Jack had played “Happy Birthday” on the accordion for Rear Adm. Isaac Kidd’s wife–Kidd flew his flag on Arizona. All that was found of him after the attack was his Annapolis class ring, fused to a bulkhead.

 


Jack’s body was recovered; he came home to Long Beach. Wayne rests with his shipmates.

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I knew both were from Arroyo Grande, population 1,090 in 1940. I thought it extraordinary that two young men from such a small town wound up serving on the same ship. I had no idea that they were in the same grammar school class. 

Sometimes even the smallest footnotes in history tell compelling stories.

 

Blackwell’s Corner

28 Sunday Apr 2019

Posted by ag1970 in Arroyo Grande, California history, Uncategorized

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Blackwell’s Corner is a gas station and little shop at the intersection of Highway 46, which will take you east to Bakersfield, and Highway 33, which will take you south to Taft, where I was born.

It is, in other words, so remote that it is nowhere.

I was a baby at home with Mom and so couldn’t see what was possibly the happiest thing that ever happened there. For some reason the bus had dropped off my Uncle George Kelly at Blackwell’s Corner. It must have been easy for my Dad, who’d come to pick him up, to see him. My uncle was and is tall and handsome and he would have been in his dress greens–this was during the Korean War–and he would’ve had his Army duffel bag slung over one shoulder and in the other hand there would’ve been grocery bag with twine handles and it would have been full of Government Issue property.

It was an official United States Army turkey. My uncle was an Army cook and it was Thanksgiving, so he’d come to spend some time in Taft with my Mom, his sister, and his parents–my Kelly grandparents.

Of course he would have called ahead both to arrange the rendezvous with Dad and to issue a good-natured warning to start the side dishes but lay off the turkey and dressing. He would bring the former–it must have been more than a little satisfying to choose a turkey when you had the time to inspect so many suspended on hooks inside a camp freezer. The Army is not necessarily kind to privates, so that would’ve made picking out the turkey even more satisfying.

As to the dressing, it would’ve been an original–my uncle cooked instinctually and decisively–and it would’ve been divine.

I’m not sure where he was based–it might have been Fort Ord–but there’s nothing better than a long bus ride for thawing a purloined turkey. It would’ve been densely wrapped, of course, and whoever sat next to Pvt. Kelly on the Greyhound and the Orange Line buses might’ve asked what was in the bag. Anybody who started a conversation with George was in for a long haul. Still, an Uncle George monologue would’ve colored the trip through severe bareness of the southern San Joaquin Valley.

He was a natural storyteller, and telling the turkey story would’ve led to another story and then George would ask a question of his seatmate who would tell a story of his own, and for every story you had, George had one to equal it.

His might’ve been about Army life or his attempt to work his way through Cal Poly by hustling pool or about the time his Dad, the cop, had won an unequal fistfight–unequal in the sense that only three oilfield roughnecks had attacked Taft police officer George Kelly Sr.  You needed to bring more guests to the table to win a fight with my grandfather.

The table in Taft, of course, at my Gramps and Grandma Kelly’s, would’ve been beautiful, dense with potatoes and  yams and string beans and gravy and Uncle George dressing and cranberry sauce. The centerpiece would have been the U.S. Army turkey and it would have been done perfectly, stuffed with apples and onions and dusted with sage and rosemary and with the breast meat still moist and tender.

In all honesty, the Army, for once, had done something precisely right because my uncle is a superb cook. And Pvt. Kelly, there at the table with his sleeves rolled up but with his Army tie tucked by regulation into his uniform blouse, would have been the handsomest man alive.

I was there and don’t remember any of this because I was in my high chair eating mashed potatoes with my hands and missing my mouth with most of them. But I’ve heard, growing up, the story of Dad finding my uncle at Blackwell’s Corner three or four times, So, oddly enough, I do remember exactly what was going on and how the table looked and, by the way, how beautiful my Mom was, and I can remember it like it was last week.

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My Aunt Judy, Uncle George, Mom and my sister Roberta, about 1943

My next memory of Blackwell’s corner would have been about 1958, when we were on the road from Arroyo Grande to Bakersfield. That was three years after James Dean had made his last stop there before the Porsche Spyder’s fatal crash near Cholame. Today the Corner, then an unpretentious Atlantic Richfield gas station with a little store, is pure kitsch. There’s a figure of Dean out front, slouching slightly in his Rebel Without a Cause red jacket, and it’s obscene. I take my James Dean seriously. Neither my wife nor my U.S. History students had seen East of Eden until I showed them the film, released, of course, after his death, and the connection he made with all of them was both instant and lasting. They got him.

So Dean was three years gone and not yet a gift shop bobblehead when we stopped at Blackwell’s Corner as we did every trip to Bakersfield. This stop was at night, which was merciful, because driving at night on the 46 means you have nothing to look at out the car windows except for the scattered lights of isolated homes and metal sheds, the watchmen’s places for men who patrolled the fields with flashlights. The fields were populated otherwise only by coyotes, jackrabbits and Union Oil pumps, donkey pumps, that worked all night making Union Oil rich and powerful.

During the day you could see the pumps, most in perpetual motion and so the only signs of life in that desolate part of California where the dominant colors are a yellowish sand and purplish gray.  This is where locals, for both fun and for the rueful acknowledgement of the severity of their environment, celebrate Christmas by decorating tumbleweeds, spraying them with artificial snow and stringing them with little blinking lights. What had brought them to this severe place was oil; what had brought my Dad’s cousins here from the Ozark Plateau was oil, what had brought my mother’s father here, the son of Famine immigrants who’d worked oilfields in Pennsylvania in the 1870s, was oil.

We had gotten into the habit of stopping at Blackwell’s Corner because after an hour of staring at such a dry landscape, you  get intensely thirsty. So we would stop for a Coke for my Mom, a Pepsi for my big sister and Nehi orange sodas for my brother and me. Dad got a Coors.

By 1958 my Grandmother Gregory was sliding into dementia and increasingly fragile, so that must have been why we were driving the 46 at night. There was something wrong with Grandma Gregory.

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My Grandfather and Grandmother Gregory, Raymondville, MIssouri, at about at the time of his death. Grandma was a hard woman to knock down in a windstorm.

Grandma Gregory smelled like Ben-Gay and she told stories as profusely as Uncle George, but hers were all about dead people and precisely how they died and each story would end with a deep sigh and her adjusting the eyeglasses that made her eyes, now moist, so big behind the lenses. My mother called Grandma Gregory “Mother.” My father’s relationship with her was difficult, and it came from the time she’d called him back to the house when he’d been walking with my grandfather to a neighbor’s across the road. My grandfather was partly deaf and when he reached the road he never heard the Ford that killed him.

While Mom got the drinks I, being six, of course had to pee, so Dad took me into the men’s room. It was then that my epiphany happened, the beginning of my dread for this part of California. It doesn’t seem like much. But what had happened is that there’d been a sandstorm that day–the kind they describe in 1930s Oklahoma, where when you woke up there was a perfect outline of your head on the only clean part of the pillow.

The sandstorm that day at Blackwell’s Corner was so intense that the toilet bowl was filled with sand. For some reason this sight terrified me. I stood there for a long time with Dad waiting impatiently but I couldn’t make water. I told him I could hold it until we reached Bakersfield.

So we got back into our car, into the Oldsmobile, and continued east on the 46, where careless drivers forgot to dim their headlights and drunk drivers crossed into your lane and where cocky drivers miscalculated how quickly they could pass a semi truck. I don’t know that I was interested in my Nehi and I probably didn’t say much–I didn’t say much anyway–the rest of the way. I would have been thinking of sand and tumbleweeds and donkey pumps and after a few miles the irrational fear I’d felt in Blackwell’s Corner would’ve been replaced by a deep sadness.

If I was lucky, I would’ve gone to sleep. That meant, in those pre-seat belt days, asleep in the front with my feet in Dad’s lap and my head in Mom’s, with her gently stroking my hair. In my sleep, of course, I dreamed of seeing oak-studded hills and rows of crops, wet under sprinkler arcs; I would’ve dreamed most of all of seeing the ocean again.

Huasna Road spirituality

09 Saturday Jan 2016

Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, Family history, History, Personal memoirs, Teaching

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Mom and Roberta, 1943

 
 
I think about my Mom a lot in January, the month when she was born, and in March, the month when she died. She never said any of the things below, but I decided to try to say them for her as authentically as I could. What lessons did I learn from her when I was a little boy?  I decided on ten. I’ll never get the wording exactly right, and I’ll never be able to articulate all the lessons, because so many of them were nonverbal and taught by example. Ours was not a peaceful home, nor was it always a happy one, but there were times when my mother’s parenting was, as I think about it more than fifty years later, actually quite inspired.

 

 
 

Ten Lessons

  1. Each of our lives is tuned differently, so each of us produces a different tone. It’s the melodies that please God most.
  2. Books, and music, and ideas, and politics, and God, and talk. That makes this place, five thousand miles away from Ireland, an Irish house.
  3. You young people might be all right after all. Ringo makes me think so. He looks just like a Basset hound!
  4. Faith is stronger when it’s tempered by doubt. The men they tried at Nuremberg were True Believers.
  5. Those people working the pepper field over our pasture fence don’t look like us, and they don’t speak our language. How lucky we are to have them so close.
  6. You’re the one that burns a little hotter than the others. I need to be patient because I love you.
  7. We owe the poor our love and respect; we owe the rich prayers for good eyesight. It’s so hard to see a carpenter’s son planing His father’s wood from the great heights that they inhabit.
  8. There is no forgiving intentional cruelty.
  9. I will raise singular daughters and honorable sons.
  10.  Life inflicts terrible wounds and unbearable pain. Just hang on. If the pain continues, just hang on. A time may come when you need to let go of it. Say goodbye with love.

The hunch

06 Wednesday Jan 2016

Posted by ag1970 in California history, Family history, Personal memoirs

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It took me almost 64 years, but I finally found this handsome young fella last night. This is Dykes Johnson, Taft Union High School ’27, Stanford University BS, University of Louisville M.D., Taft Union High School Hall of Fame.

He passed away in 1996. Damn it.

I was born on January 25, 1952, when I should’ve been arriving some time around Washington’s birthday. Dykes was our family doctor in Taft. He was a flying enthusiast–he’d also served in the Navy as a doctor during the War–and was gone to the other end of a Valley on some kind of fly-in.

When Dad took Mom to the hospital, things weren’t going so well. Dad was scared. I was about to make my appearance (or not) when Dykes burst through the door, which almost hit my Dad in the face.

Dykes, I guess, was a blunt man, and especially that night. “Get the hell out of here!” he told my father. “Something’s wrong.”

He’d flown back down to Taft. He’d had a hunch.

I was not only a preemie–four pounds–but the cord was wrapped around my neck and I was blue. I’d stopped breathing.

Meet the man who saved my life

A spooky hallway in the abandoned West Side Hospital, built in 1949. This is where I was born; it was demolished a few years ago.
The Dykes Johnson Medical Center, torn down in late 2022.

Power struggle in the fields

19 Saturday Dec 2015

Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, History, The Great Depression

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Monterey County Sheriff, right, 1936, and deputies.

This photo reminded me immediately of Rod Steiger’s superbly-acted redneck sheriff in the film In the Heat of the Night. But these are Californians, not Mississippians, and these men, according to the scholarship I’ve been trying to digest so far, were representative of an alliance of reactionary forces that dominated California between 1933 and 1938. Whether they were representative of San Luis Obispo County remains to be seen.

What made up that coalition? To borrow Renault’s quote from Casablanca, they were the usual suspects: Harry Chandler’s L.A. Times, the Hearst newspapers, the L.A. District Attorney and the LAPD, the Chamber of Commerce, Pacific Gas and Electric Co., and Associated Farmers, a powerful anti-labor lobby (they blocked literally hundreds of bills in the state legislature that would have provided laborers with a minimum wage, with decent housing, even a bill that would have required employers to provide drinking cups) that also organized resistance to and suppression of strikes. They had professionals whose specialty was busting strikes. They wore revolvers on their hips, like Henry Sanborn, a national guard officer who organized hundreds of paramilitary “deputies” in the 1936 Salinas lettuce strike, a strike provoked by the growers themselves when they locked workers out of the packing sheds. The growers, in fact, had already built a big stockade, complete with concertina wire, in anticipation of a strike. “Don’t worry,” they told alarmed packing-shed workers before the lockout. “That’s for the Filipinos.”

By the way, the one dissident in the state’s economic power structure, an ardent New Dealer, was A.P. Giannini, founder of the Bank of Italy, by now the Bank of America.

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Another disturbing trend was the extent to which this coalition depended on the newly-founded California Highway Patrol. In Salinas and other places, including in a brief mention in an article about Nipomo, the CHP constituted a kind of rapid-repsonse strike suppression force and one, unlike the “deputies” and their baseball bats in Salinas, that was heavily armed.

In the history of American labor disputes, like the 1894 Pullman Strike, this traditionally had been the role of government: to uphold capital and to suppress labor. TR’s intervention in the 1902 Pennsylvania Coal Strike represented a rare departure, because he demanded that both sides come to the bargaining table or he’d use the army to take over the mines. Neither management nor labor were pleased with the president, but the strike was settled. When TR’s cousin became president, capitalists, including California growers, were outraged that the government seemed to side so clearly with workers, what with the Wagner Act (which did not extend to agricultural workers; FDR didn’t want to alienate Southern Democrats and their planter-supporters), with health inspections of labor camps, and with occasional attempts by the federal government to settle strikes (one such attempt had a Labor Department official beaten, stripped, and left in the desert of the Imperial Valley).  The Arroyo Grande Herald-Recorder at this time regularly railed against the excesses of this activist government on its editorial page while its news page primly reported another schedule of AAA subsidy payments.

Frustrated as they were with FDR, growers and their allies obviously took on the strikers, not the federal government.The easiest way to sanction strikers, and to make labor organizers “disappear” (Temporarily. Usually.) was to arrest them for vagrancy, since they clearly weren’t working. That was the pretext used by SLO County Sheriff Haskins, backed by 200 instant deputy sheriffs, in the 1937 pea strike, in April. It worked; that strike, centered in Nipomo, ended pretty quickly. So had another one farther north, in January, in and around Pismo Beach, organized by Filipino laborers against Japanese growers. It was over in thee weeks, with some violence–fights between strikers and scabs–and it ended with a negotiated settlement. The growers didn’t negotiate with the strikers, by the way. They negotiated with the Chamber of Commerce, which dictated the settlement. Curious.

California Filipinos were militant and angry–the late-breaking little story below is from 1934–and probably for good reason. Several sources I’ve read place them at the bottom of a kind of racist continuum with whites at the highest level, followed by Japanese, then Mexicans, and finally Filipinos, who were housed in filthy camps, frequently harassed by police, and seen as sexual predators, with their invariable target, of course, white womanhood.This, too, sounds like 1930s Mississippi as much as 1930s California.

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There was racial tension, as well, between Japanese growers, who had a generational head start, and their Filipino workers. Japanese growers in the Los Angeles area did not have a good reputation for treating their workers well, but LA was, again, a focal point for anti-labor resistance. I’m suspending judgment on local Japanese growers–my friends are from some of those families–until I can learn more. I’ve found no connection so far with between them and Associated Farmers, and, unlike the growers in the Salinas Valley or the San Joaquin Valley, these were small-scale farmers: the Ikeda family, for example, farmed no more than 100 acres, and much of that land was leased. The problem with that analysis is that these growers worked in concert, in what is today POVE, so potentially they might have represented thousands of acres of peas under cultivation. But it’s the Herald-Recorder that really comes off badly–this was before editor Newell Strother’s time–its editorial columns are firmly on the side represented by Associated Farmers, and its news columns, especially in their treatment of Filipinos, are openly racist.

One 1937 story details an Oceano raid on a hall holding taxi dances–Filipino men would buy a ticket and dance with a female, invariably Caucasian, since Filipinas were not allowed to immigrate. The raiders were sheriff’s deputies, including the baseball-bat variety seen in the Salinas lettuce strike. Several, including the girls, were arrested, and the Herald-Recorder reported that one Filipino laborer had bought more than 200 dance tickets from one of the arrested taxi dancers.

I guess this detail in the story was meant to provoke a sharp intake of breath on the part of its white readers. The taxi dancers were white, their patrons weren’t, and the miscegenation laws were still on the books in California.

Tensions began to ease by 1938, partly because the economy was beginning to recover, partly because a reactionary governor, Frank Merriam, was replaced by a more moderate one, Cuthbert Olsen, but also because both state investigations (one young attorney-investigator was Clark Kerr, the future UC President) and a federal one, led by Progressive Sen. Robert LaFollette, embarrassed Associated Farmers with their own conduct: they’d denied their workers basic civil rights, including due process, relied on violence, were indifferent toward inadequate and unhealthy housing conditions, used industrial espionage on a large scale, and frequently cut wages, continuing to claim that they could only pay what the market would bear when, after their 1933 low point, crop prices had begun to recover and would rise steadily into the war years.

If it sounds like I’m taking sides, I’d agree cheerfully. Objectivity demands that historians sometimes take sides, because historians must make informed judgments based on empirical evidence. History does not judge this alliance of big business, big agriculture and state police power well. The powerful brought that judgment, in their seeming victory over the strikes of the mid-1930s, on themselves.

Pep Talk

17 Thursday Dec 2015

Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, History, The Great Depression, Uncategorized, World War II, Writing

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I have never been shy about writing fan letters, so I wrote one to the UC  Davis prof who’s written a terrific new book, Right Out of California, about political, economic and social conflict in 1930s California.

I also am a shameless little man, so I included the Domingo Martinez piece from the Arroyo Grande book and told her I was looking at writing about the 30s, too.

She emailed back later yesterday:

I’m so glad to hear that my book was relevant to you. I’m also very interested to learn about your own work. The central coast has some great stories from the interwar years to tell; and it seems, from the sample you provided me, that you’re the right person to tell them.

That’s nice. That’s not the clincher, though. My big sister, Roberta, wants me to write it, too.

So I guess I will.

What’s making me dawdle, before I pitch the book idea, is knowing how miserly the pay is. For each $21.99 copy of the World War II book, over a year’s work, I get about $1.50. And I’ve done the research, the writing, located 70+ images from all over the world, some which required me to buy usage rights, and I’ve done a good deal of the marketing.

So I feel like your basic oppressed proletarian.

The other factor: The sheer magnitude of the subject is daunting. World War II, as large-scale as it was, was chronologically compressed and its events already so familiar, so it was much more manageable.

So I think I’ll expand the scope of this book to include the 1920s. That sounds counterintuitive, but I realized that I don’t have the talent or the graduate assistants for a narrative history. What I can do is to generate a thematic overview of the interwar years, to tell good stories well. Themes might include Prohibition and crime; politics, Mr. Hearst, contrasted with the poor; the collapse of farm prices and that impact; daily life, especially of young people; dissidents and dropouts; the New Deal’s impact; the coming of the war.

I’ve got to expand the locale as well, so we’ll include material from Northern Santa Barbara County, even a little from Taft, from San Simeon, of course–but the bulk of the book would come from the area between San Luis Obispo and Nipomo.

[What’s hardest to come by, and what I hunger for, are statistical data that’ll give a snapshot of the Central Coast–everything from foreclosures to crop prices, housing starts to high school dropout rates. Those are hard to find.]

So it would be The Interwar Years on California’s Central Coast or something like that. Or maybe Pete’s Dragon.

Now I’ve got to generate a proposal and go back to my two most important secondary sources and organize the margin notes I’ve taken. I also need to read again David Kennedy’s Freedom from Fear.

Not a good day to feel under the weather.

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The Peas of Wrath

12 Saturday Dec 2015

Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, History, The Great Depression

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Shipping Peas

I’ve always been interested in social history, including women’s history, and military history. The same goes for a new area I’ve much to learn about but have always found fascinating: agricultural history.

It wasn’t true when I was growing up in the Arroyo Grande Valley, but twenty years before, sweet peas had been the dominant crop in the South County, from the foothills east of Shell Beach to, of course, the Nipomo Mesa, where Dorothea Lange photographed “Migrant Mother” Florence Thompson. Thompson was 33 years old in 1936, struggling to survive in a crude squatters’ camp in the midst of two disastrous annual harvests–blighted by frosts and rains like the one in the closing pages of The Grapes of Wrath–that made the suffering here real. She looks closer to her actual age in this photo, one of six Lange took after passing the camp on her way north to San Francisco.

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Lange already had boxes and boxes of negatives on the car seat next to her, ready to be processed, her next task, when she saw the sign for the pea pickers’ camp. She kept going. Something stopped her twenty miles up 101; she returned, took the six photographs, and left. Five were published soon after, including this one. The iconic image Lange kept. She must have been stunned with what she’d done when that version of Florence emerged in the lab. It was like a Raphael, an Our Lady of Poverty.

Despite that image, the Depression, I’d thought, couldn’t have been as acute here as it was in the East, where unemployment in Detroit was 50% and, at one point in Toledo, 80%. But then I found these figures from the County Agriculture Department. Statistically, they’re almost as poignant as Lange’s photography:

crop-valuations

 

They are also appalling. The total valuation of San Luis Obispo County agriculture fell by half between 1929 and 1933, with the collapse of crop prices. Peas were the largest vegetable crop–about 5,000 acres, nearly all in the South County, were planted annually. [Lettuce came in second, at 3,000 acres planted.] Peas were important to the point of absurdity. This World War I-era postcard commemorates Arroyo Grande teen girls, like twentieth-century vestal virgins, “dancing at the Sweet Pea Fair.”

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The 1929 crop was valued at $2.2 million dollars, but the harvest from roughly the same acreage four years later was valued at only $822,000. This collapse, prior to the arrival of AAA subsidies, contributed to another disaster.

Peas had been so enormously profitable during and after World War I that farmers, according to WPA Writers’ Project accounts, practiced little rotation and intensified cultivation of peas and, quite naturally, even expanded their acreage as prices began to fall after the Crash. This led to a crisis in soil erosion in places like Corbett Canyon–in 1937, the head of the Soil Conservation Service said the erosion in Arroyo Grande was among the worst he’d seen in the United States, and he’d seen Oklahoma. It would take intensive labor by CCC and WPA crews–building check dams, terraces, planting windbreaks–to save today’s Arroyo Grande from looking like today’s North Africa. It was an enormous effort and, I think, one of the most stunning achievements of the CCC, which employed young men 18 to 25 years old and paid them $27 a month, half of which they were expected to send home.

There were other kinds of crises:  bitter strikes in the South County by migrant pea workers–Filipino, some Mexican, and poor white migrants from as far east as Vermont–in 1934 and again in 1937. I have much more to learn, too, about those, but, by 1939, according to a migrant nurse’s report, wages were still low for pea-picking, at one cent a pound, thirty cents a hamper, and they were cut, by mid-season, to twenty-five cents. Growers estimated that they needed to clear 3 1/2 cents a pound to make a living; what struck me wasn’t the miserliness of growers–and that most definitely existed–but the enormity of shipping costs. A hamper of peas that sold for $3.45 on the East Coast cost $1.70 to ship there.  It reminded me of the days of the Populist movement, when it cost a farmer more to ship a bushel of wheat from Kansas to Chicago, by rail, than it did to ship that bushel from Chicago to Liverpool, mostly by ship.

By 1939, good years were beginning to return. A network of county camps, most on farmers’ land, operated either by labor contractors or camp bosses appointed by the contractors, housed 3,000 pea pickers at the height of the season, which ran from March through May. 426 families were “white,” 167 “Mexican” (Mexican labor had begun to return after massive deportations in 1931; many American citizens were deported during the anti-Mexican hysteria of the early Depression). There is no category for “Filipino,” but they were there in large numbers, too, though not as families. Filipinas were not permitted to immigrate: it would require Filipino men dying in combat, fighting for America in volunteer units–the first formed at Camp San Luis Obispo–to “earn” the right to marry, to bring home war brides from the islands, and to begin families, because before and during the war, California miscegenation laws prohibited their marrying outside their race.

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A Filipino gang working peas near Pismo Beach, photo by Dorothea Lange.

 

There were children in the camps, too–569, to be exact. Teachers were brought in to give lessons in the Canada camp and in a Nipomo warehouse. The migrant nurse noted that older children looked wistfully every day as the Arroyo Grande Union High School bus passed one camp, slowed, and kept going. This woman had sand. She marched into Principal Clarence Burrell’s office–Burrell was a good man–who took up the issue with the Board of Trustees, which voted to begin picking up the migrant kids to bring them to school. There were only four weeks left in the school year, but you wonder about those kids, both at how enormous it must have been for them have classes in a “real school” and you wonder, too, about how they were treated. I remember how cruel kids can be, remember us calling a poor white family “Okies” when I was in elementary school.  The peas were gone, then, replaced by new Valley crops; bigotry has a long growing season.

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An Oklahoma father with a hamper of peas in Nipomo. Dorothea Lange photo

Gallery

A meditation on Pearl Harbor Day

07 Monday Dec 2015

Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, History, World War II

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This gallery contains 40 photos.

   

Pretty Eleanor, Bank Robber

25 Wednesday Nov 2015

Posted by ag1970 in American History, Arroyo Grande, California history, History

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Eleanor Walling was an enchanting little girl—one can easily visualize her in a blouse with a sailor’s collar, with a big bow in her hair, like L. Frank Baum’s Dorothy. She was also a talent and a ticket-office draw for her father, a small-town impresario who owned the Lompoc Opera House, the setting for a 1912 rally for Bull Moose candidate Theodore Roosevelt. On that day, Eleanor enchanted the Lompoc Journal, too. The paper notes that

The program was introduced in a most pleasant manner by little Eleanor Walling, daintily clad and draped in a flag, stepping to the front of the stage and with her little violin leading the orchestra in the Star Spangled Banner in a way that carried the audience away.

20151127_022128
Illustrator John Rea Neill’s Dorothy, with Tik-Tok the mechanical man and Billina the hen, from L. Frank Baum’s 1907 Ozma of Oz

Eleanor was eight years old. Her mother had died young, but either she or J.O., Eleanor’s father, had bequeathed the little girl with extraordinary musical gifts. She was an actress as well as a violinist, appearing in her father’s plays, including The Moonshiner’s Daughter or in the title role in Editha’s Burglar, which “proved a hummer,” according to the Journal. Sometimes she shared the bill with silent films like Tobacco Mania.

Eleanor, born in Oregon, San Luis Obispo, or England, depending on the source, had, by World War I, joined her father and siblings in a new enterprise: the Walling Orchestra entertained at concerts and dances in a roadhouse owned by J.O. near Avila Beach. They were the band of choice when Arroyo Grande got its brand-new electric streetlights. But by 1920 or so, Eleanor had struck out on her own, for the vaudeville circuit, the story went.

Pretty Eleanor was 20 years old and just as enchanting when she played the violin for her guards at the Kern County Jail in the spring of 1924. She’d been accused, with a male accomplice, of robbing a Taft bank of $5700. A revolver discharged during the robbery. Eleanor, much later, allowed that it might have been hers, but she wasn’t clear on who was holding it at the time. Then, after that, she suggested that she hadn’t been in the bank at all. Her story changed as often as her birthplace.

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An unrepentant-appearing Eleanor in the Kern County Jail, from the Bakersfield Californian.

But in the robbery’s immediate aftermath, she wasn’t suggesting anything. Detectives from both the sheriff’s office and the LAPD grilled her for two days. They got nothing. EFFORTS OF POLICE OFFICERS AMUSE GIRL HELD IN ROBBERY, a headline read. Her hair was cut short, like a Flapper’s, so she became the “Bobbed-Hair Bandit.” PRETTY ELEANOR SMILES AT OFFICERS AS THEY QUESTION HER, another headline announced. She decided to let her hair grow, now that she had the time. She pled “not guilty” in April.

She changed her plea in May. She might have been threatened by a defense witness called to testify on behalf of Bill Crockett, her accomplice, suspected of planning the bank robbery.

According to the prospective witness, a Folsom inmate, Eleanor had been with him when he had shot a “Dutchman” during an armed robbery in Los Angeles. He complained later that they’d paid doughboys $32 a month to kill Dutchmen, but they gave him 29 years, and he’d just wounded his. And his conviction came because Eleanor had turned state’s evidence. Now, he suggested, she’d been much more than an innocent bystander.

Meanwhile, the papers were reporting that she had been one of the robbers who’d  burst into the Taft State Bank on March 13, 1924, at 9 a.m., helping to round up customers and tellers. She’d been dressed as a man. She continued to dress that way—“her crossed legs garbed in khaki and long hiking boots”—after her arrest.

The Taft State Bank is today a popular sports bar.

Newspaper stories hinted that she wasn’t innocent in other ways. Both the defense witness and Bill Crockett were infatuated with her. So were the deputies at the Kern County Jail.

But by the time of the trial for the robbery, a reporter wrote, “gleaming hatred” appeared in Crockett’s eyes at the mere mention of her name. Crockett was unlucky in love and inept in crime: his mask had slipped as he herded the bank’s occupants into the vault, so a teller on the witness stand identified him without hesitation.  And while they’d made away with $5700–nearly $80,000 today–they’d overlooked another $30,000 nearby.

And not only had Eleanor confessed, but she’d led the detectives to the cash. They found a thousand buried under two railroad ties on General Petroleum property outside of Taft; another $1800 was buried at the base of a telephone pole.

Pretty Eleanor distanced herself from the robbery on the witness stand, when “every pair of eyes in the courtroom was directed at her,” as a Bakersfield newspaper reporter wrote. It’s a good bet that Bill Crockett’s eyes gleamed, him wishing he could burn holes in her, through that

…ponged blouse with a man’s collar, about which was knotted a shoestring “sheik tie.” Over her blouse she wore a brown and fawn-colored barred sports vest. A brown full silk skirt completed her ensemble.

She wasn’t there at all, she said. That was another man, Ray. All she’d done was to burn their clothes after and change the license plates on their car. Oh, and she’d buried the revolvers somewhere between Taft and Fellows.

Eleanor was giving one of her last performances for an audience of any size. They were rapt. She went to prison anyway.

Ironically, Bill Crockett was acquitted, only to be convicted later of a second robbery. He’d do time and so would two of his brothers, one a thief and the other a forger who, according to a family history, would do the hardest time of all, on Alcatraz.

Until Taft, Eleanor’s record was a clean one, with one exception: in 1920, she’d started an 18-month term in a Ventura reformatory. She hadn’t played the vaudeville circuit. She’d run away from home.

Her San Quentin term was five years to life. The “Bobbed-Hair Bandit” shared a cell with Clara, “The Girl with a Hammer,” after her murder weapon of choice. Eleanor had been an actress, but Clara was a drama queen: she tried to escape twice and failed both times, once breaking out of a town jail, once slashing her wrists with a razor blade she’d borrowed from a San Quentin matron. Eleanor did her time quietly.

Eleanor booking
Eleanor’s booking record, San Quentin.

After her parole, she lived in San Francisco, in the Noble Hotel, on a narrow block of Geary Street. The 1930 census lists her occupation as “musician.”

Two years after that, the Oakland Tribune reported that she’d been questioned and released for a bank robbery in the city. Some San Francisco police detective must’ve been disappointed, because he’d certainly done his homework and it must have looked like a good collar. The armed robbers had been two women, dressed as men.

Intimidation

08 Sunday Nov 2015

Posted by ag1970 in American History, California history, History, Writing

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Filipino field workers thinning lettuce with the short hoe, Salinas Valley. Photograph by Dorothea Lange.

Filipino field workers thinning lettuce with el cortito, the short hoe, Salinas Valley. The tool would be outlawed in 1974. Photograph by Dorothea Lange.

I thought it would be a good idea to write about the Depression and New Deal, and I still think it is. What I wasn’t prepared for was the topic’s massiveness, the inchoate nature of local scholarship on the period, and the kind of conflict that, in some ways, is more hurtful than writing about the war.

I’m using Kenneth Starr’s series—if California has a Historian Laureate, it’s Starr, and he’s pretty even-handed—as a guide. But once you get into Starr’s depiction of the period 1934-37, the wheels start to come off your Comfort Train.

California was unique in so many ways in the Great Depression. The downturn didn’t have the wallop here that it did in the industrial Midwest, where at one point unemployment in Toledo was 80%, because California, in these prewar years, was still largely agricultural. It also, in large part thanks to a reactionary governor, Frank Merriam, resisted the New Deal–failing to stop FDR’s programs, but retarding their introduction into the state until long after they’d taken hold elsewhere. Around here, for example, the New Deal didn’t seem to have had real impact, except for the CCC, and, of course, except for AAA farm subsidies, until 1938 or 1939.

What California did have–and in spades–was a political right wing that veered, intermittently and locally, into a tight and militarized alliance between business and government: that’s a serviceable definition of corporativism–or Fascism.

This alliance had its beginning in the postwar years, with the Palmer Raids, Sacco-Vanzetti and, more locally, with the IWW and with San Francisco dockworkers’ agitation. By the mid-1930s, the right’s fear intensified, because there were communists among farm labor organizers–made manifestly clear by Steinbeck’s In Dubious Battle. In reality, the struggles of California workers at the time had little or nothing to do with ideology and everything to do with organizing for a living wage, for sanitary living conditions, and for a safer workplace.

That, according to the powerful elements in the state–the umbrella organization for big growers, Associated Farmers, Inc., the Union Pacific Railroad, Pacific Gas & Electric, and the City of Los Angeles, with the most aggressive “Red Squad” in the nation being the LAPD’s–that kind of agitation was communism, pure and simple.

The right had its roots in LA, although most of the earlier labor strife had come farther north. By the 1930s, the Imperial, San Joaquin and Salinas Valleys, and the Arroyo Grande and Nipomo Valleys, to a smaller extent, had become the front lines for fighting incipient Communism.

When Socialist Upton Sinclair ran for governor in 1934, it was the LA District Attorney who notified thousands of potential working-class voters, potential Sinclair voters, that they would have to appear and present legal proof of their residence. It was the LAPD who, in 1936, sent nearly 200 officers to entry points around the state’s borders with the extraconstitutional mandate to turn away travelers with “no visible means of support”–they waved through, for example, a gentleman in a brand-new Packard but detained, rousted, and turned away a poor family crammed into a 1921 modified Ford pickup. At night, they gathered hundreds of unemployed men–mostly very young men–handed them peanut-butter and baloney sandwiches, and put them on freight trains bound for the Arizona border.

In Salinas–there are rumbles about the 1936 strike in the old Arroyo Grande Herald-Recorders–lettuce workers were locked off the job while hundreds of scabs were brought in. The strikers threw rocks at the trucks bringing in the strikebreakers, which brought the Monterey County Sheriff, the California Highway Patrol, and hundreds of deputized citizens, armed with axe handles, onto the side of the growers. They beat strikers, men and women, senseless, used tear gas and nausea gas, set up machine gun nests, and when deputies mistakenly unloaded their shotguns on three carloads of strikebreakers, it took them all night and most of the next day to coax them out of the fields where they were hiding, terrified.

In an Imperial Valley strike, growers beat the attorney, on the courthouse steps, who was representing labor organizers indicted for criminal syndicalism. The sheriff and his deputies watched, waited, and then intervened, arresting the semiconscious attorney’s wife when she went to their car and retrieved a revolver. Another labor attorney–a Jesuit-educated Irishman, God love him–took over the case, and tore the prosecution to shreds: they had to drop four of the six charges against the organizers. The D.A. prosecuting the case had his term lapse, but was allowed to continue when the state attorney general named him a special prosecutor. The defense attorneys presented six hours of tightly-reasoned legal arguments (How can you send a man to prison, for example, for being a member of the Communist Party when the Communist Party was recognized by the state of California and regularly ran candidates?) while in his summation, the prosecutor–literally–clutched the courtroom flag to his breast and preached Americanism.

The jury deliberated sixty-six hours, brought back a handful of guilty verdicts, and recommended that the convicted be placed on probation. The judge ignored the jury and sentenced the defendants: one to eight years in prison. The women got the lesser sentences; the men went to San Quentin.

There were bitter strikes here, as well, in 1934 and again in 1937, when the CHP were imported to Nipomo, as they had been in Salinas, to protect strikebreakers and to intimidate strikers. The San Luis Obispo District Attorney, with a near-Dickensian name, van Wormer, and Sheriff Haskins felt confident enough to issue the strikers an ultimatum: Go back to work or go to jail, charged as vagrants.

99% of the workers, the Arroyo Grande Herald-Recorder proclaimed, with equal confidence, were eager and willing to go back to the pea fields, but they were intimidated by outside agitators.

The implacable 1%–doubtless, they were Communists–wanted forty-five cents a hamper to bring in the pea crop. The Herald-Recorder soberly reported that one worker maintained that twenty-five cents a hamper was more than enough to allow a family to support itself.

The final offer was presented, not by the growers, but by Sheriff Haskins: Thirty cents. Take it or leave it.

This research is going to lead me into dark places–and shining daylight there, even eighty years later, is going to make me enemies.

Pea pickers' children, Nipomo, 1935. The little girl's knocked knees are indicative of rickets, caused by a Vitamin D deficiency.

Pea pickers’ children, Nipomo, 1935. The little girl’s knocked knees are indicative of rickets, caused by a Vitamin D deficiency. Dorothea Lange photo.

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